Black men emerge as key constituency in 2024 race, bringing dynamic views to the top of politics

The Black Man Lab, which for nearly a decade sought weekly to create a “safe, sacred and healing space” for Black men in metropolitan Atlanta, regularly gathers more than 100 men to pray, meditate and talk through challenges and triumphs they are facing and learn from peers and elders.

“It’s almost a communion,” said Carttrell Coleman, a visual artist from South Fulton, Georgia, who has attended the weekly meetings for seven years. “It’s an opportunity for us to share our voices and get resources. The networking is always a good thing. It’s a fellowship, of sorts.”

After President Joe Biden’s suspension of his reelection campaign, one meeting took on special weight as attendees considered the prospect of a Black woman winning the presidency. Vice President Kamala Harris’ candidacy refocused attention on Black men, a demographic that Democrats and Republicans view as persuadable but whose multifaceted experiences and political preferences often go unaddressed in public debate.

Harris’ campaign also reignited discussions among Black men about their influence in this election.

“Black men are the target, and we hold the keys to the kingdom. This is our moment,” Lance Robertson, executive director of the Black City Councilmen of Georgia, said during the meeting. “The Black man has built America. Now it’s time for the Black man to save America.”

Black male voters are traditionally one of the most consistently Democratic-leaning demographics in the nation. This year, however, both major parties view Black men, especially those under age 40, as attainable voters. Whether Black men turn out in high numbers and to what degree they maintain traditional support for Democratic candidates may prove decisive in November.

“To be frank, I think early on in this process a lot of Black men viewed this election with much skepticism and dread,” said Bishop Reginald Jackson, who presides over all 534 African Methodist Episcopal churches in Georgia. “But since the change in the Democratic ticket, there has been a turnaround. I think they feel they have something that they can support. I think a lot of issues which made a lot of them skeptical are being addressed.”

At the Black Man Lab event, the men came from all walks of life. Attendees’ ages ranged from 8 to 86, with multiple pairings of fathers, grandfathers and grandsons telling the group about the unique circumstances each generation faces as Black men in America.

Black voters historically prioritized policies on civil rights and economic mobility, leading to overwhelming support for Democrats.

But how those concerns translate into political preferences shifted as traditional ties to institutions like the Black church frayed for some younger Black Americans.

“The Black church, in a lot of respects, has been a turnoff for the Black man, and we’re only now working to address the need and correct it,” Jackson said.

For many younger Black men, advocates stressed, issues like wealth creation, entrepreneurship, police reform and anti-discrimination policies in the workplace are top of mind.

“We want to see jobs and opportunity for Black men, especially,” said Andre Greenwood, chair of the YMCA that hosts the Black Man Lab event. Greenwood, who supports Harris, said economic messages will be most important to Black male voters.

Harris’ entrance into the presidential race unleashed a flurry of organizing among her Black male allies. A day after Biden dropped out of the race and endorsed Harris, a virtual conference tailored for Black men garnered more than 53,000 attendees and raised more than $1.3 million. The event, organized by Win With Black Men, a collective of Black male-led groups, hosted regular meetings every week since then to engage organizers targeting Black men.

“Up until this point, these folks were not really engaged with this campaign season, let alone volunteering for outside organizations. I think what we’re seeing now is a massive level of organic energy that you can’t deny,” said Quentin James, founder of the Collective PAC, a Democratic political action committee that supports Black candidates.

Win With Black Men said it would direct the raised funds to organizations nationwide for Black male engagement. More than 150 groups applied for support.

James stressed that the Harris campaign’s own engagement effort with Black men may not be enough unless it is paired with robustly funded outside groups that have longstanding trust in local communities.

Harris also revamped her outreach to Black men. The campaign believes it has a winning message for Black men’s priorities.

“It’s wealth and it’s health,” Democratic strategist Antjuan Seawright said of the message.

Seawright leads the Democratic National Committee’s “Chop It Up” town halls for Black men at barbershops and other venues in battleground states this year. He noted Black men “aren’t monolithic” and added it is a mistake for campaigns to assume “we only care about criminal justice reform.”

The culminating effort also aims to address longstanding skepticism among many Black men about the political system, which is seen as discriminatory and unresponsive to their interests. Others tackled potential hesitancy among men about electing a woman to the nation’s highest office.

Republicans, too, see an opportunity to make inroads with Black men because of those longstanding frustrations. Donald Trump often speaks of his interest in garnering greater Black voter support. Black Republicans, including Reps. Byron Donalds of Florida and Wesley Hunt of Texas, hosted a “Congress, Cognac, and Cigars” event series in cities including Atlanta, Philadelphia and Milwaukee.

“Black men have been taken for granted by the Democratic Party for years, but President Trump’s message is resonating at historic levels because he is doing the work,” said Janiyah Thomas, Black media director for the Trump campaign.